It’s been a very big year. Here is just some of what we’ve accomplished together:

And that’s only a fraction of everything we accomplished together!

It is our honor to defend the rights of our fellow Mainers. We promise to keep it up, side by side with you, through the new year and every year after that.

Date

Friday, December 21, 2018 - 2:45pm

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On Tuesday, the Federal Commission on School Safety issued recommendations that it claims will help makes schools safer following the mass shooting in Parkland, Florida. But at the center of the report is a proposal that will endanger millions of public school students, especially students of color and students with disabilities, by reversing federal guidance intended to address racial disparities in school discipline. Doing away with the guidance will weaken federal civil rights protections at a time when the Government Accountability Office reports that Black K-12 students receive punishments that are overly severe and frequent in schools across the country.

Following Parkland, the Trump administration faced massive protests from student activists calling for gun control measures. The administration established the Federal Commission on School Safety in response to the demands for action from across the country and appointed Education Secretary Betsy DeVos to chair it. But rather than grapple with students’ demands, the commission has pushed the false narrative that schools can be protected from mass shootings by rolling back civil rights protections for Black and brown students and students with disabilities.

The commission has placed blame on the school discipline guidance issued by the Departments of Justice and Education under the Obama administration in 2014 to address the nationwide problem of students of color receiving harsher punishments than their white peers for the same infractions. The commission claims that this guidance “endangers student safety,” despite the lack of any evidence linking civil rights protections for students of color to school shootings.

Rather than “overreaching,” as the administration claims, the school discipline guidance simply provides educators and students with clarification of long-standing civil rights laws and reminds schools of the need to avoid and repair discrimination in the application of school discipline. The guidance was developed in light of a substantial body of academic research detailing the disparate discipline of youth of color as well as the government’s own investigations, which included findings of “cases where African-American students were disciplined more harshly and more frequently because of their race than similarly situated white students.”

The final analysis from the Departments of Justice and Education: “Racial discrimination in school discipline is a real problem.”

The school discipline guidance is also part and parcel of a comprehensive, bipartisan movement to reform the ways in which schools address discipline to reflect what we’ve learned from decades of research. Research and statistics show that the “zero-tolerance” approaches to student conduct that flourished in the 1990s and early 2000s were counterproductive. Increasing punishments, removing kids from school, and referring them to the juvenile justice system led to higher rates of recidivism and an increased chance of involvement with the criminal justice system as an adult — all at a huge cost to the state, children, and their families. 

New scientific research about adolescent brain development provides an understanding of why zero-tolerance doesn’t work. As any parent knows, children are prone to make mistakes and to challenge rules set by grown-ups. This is actually part of the process of learning good decision-making skills. But unlike adults, adolescents’ brains respond best to immediate and positive inputs and do a poor job of comprehending far-off or negative consequences — like punishment.

LISTEN: CRIMINALIZING SCHOOLKIDS (PODCAST)

Education researchers and dedicated teachers and administrators have developed many approaches to school discipline that rely on positive support and intervention techniques, rather than escalating punishments, to improve outcomes for students, teachers, and schools. The Department of Education has invested in assisting school districts across the country to implement best practices in school discipline. The school discipline guidance is part of a range of resources on Rethinking School Discipline, including information about evidence-based programs and free technical assistance, provided by the Department of Education. The commission’s recommendations are an about-face on these years of work by career professionals within the Department of Education.

We’ve known these recommendations were coming, even before the commission began its work. When it was created, it was tasked with a starkly worded objective: “Repeal of the Obama Administration’s ‘Rethink School Discipline’ policies.” We’ve also been well aware of the hostility towards civil rights protections exhibited by the commission’s chair, Education Secretary DeVos, who has demonstrated an aversion to enforcing the Education Department’s civil rights policies or even acknowledging that systemic racism exists.

The call to rescind the federal school discipline guidance is not grounded in a sincere effort to protect student safety. Fair, evidence-based approaches to school discipline promote safe and healthy schools, and there is no evidence linking school discipline reform to school shootings. Schools should continue their legal obligation to administer discipline in a nondiscriminatory way and develop the right alternatives to exclusionary discipline.  

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Date

Wednesday, December 19, 2018 - 4:30pm

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The Trump administration’s campaign to dismantle our asylum system just suffered another major setback.

A federal judge in Washington, D.C., permanently blocked a June 2018 “expedited removal” policy that gutted asylum protections for immigrants fleeing domestic violence and gang brutality. Holding that “there is no legal basis for an effective categorical ban on domestic violence and gang-related claims,” Judge Emmet Sullivan struck down the policy for being contrary to the Immigration and Nationality Act, the Refugee Act, and the Administrative Procedure Act. As part of the injunction, the court ordered the government to bring our plaintiffs who were wrongfully removed under this policy back to the United States so that they can pursue their asylum claims. Under the court's order, each of our plaintiffs will receive a new credible fear interview and their expedited removal orders will be canceled.

The ACLU and the University of California’s Hastings Center for Gender and Refugee Studies brought the lawsuit on Aug. 9 on behalf of 12 adults and children who all had their asylum claims wrongfully rejected at the “credible fear” screening stage based on the unlawful policy.

Our clients, predominantly women from Central America, endured extensive sexual and physical violence in their countries of origin. Fearing they would be killed, along with their young children, they sought refuge in the U.S. Grace* fled Guatemala after being raped, beaten, and threatened for over 20 years by her abusive partner, who frequently disparaged her indigenous heritage. She sought help from local authorities, only to have them assist her persecutor in forcibly evicting her from her home. Mina* escaped her country after a gang murdered her father-in-law and local police did nothing to help. Gang members broke down her door and beat her so badly that she was unable to walk the next day. They told her that they would rape her and mutilate her body unless she left town.

Because our clients were placed in a summary deportation process known as “expedited removal,” they were required to pass a threshold “credible fear” screening with an asylum officer before they could get a full hearing on their asylum claims. But under the Trump administration’s new policy, the asylum officers concluded that our clients did not have a “credible fear of persecution” and ordered them deported without a hearing.

That’s not because the asylum officers didn’t find their accounts credible — they did — it’s because the Trump administration had illegally changed the rules.

In June, former Attorney General Jeff Sessions chose to intervene in an individual asylum case, Matter of A-B-, where he reversed the grant of asylum to a Salvadoran woman who fled horrific sexual and domestic violence at the hands of her then-husband. Sessions used that ruling to issue a broad, and deeply flawed, legal decision that sought to disqualify whole categories of claims as legitimate grounds for asylum in the United States.

“Generally,” Sessions asserted, “claims by aliens pertaining to domestic violence or gang violence perpetrated by non-governmental actors will not qualify for asylum.” He followed this up with a footnote stating, “Accordingly, few such claims would satisfy the legal standard to determine whether an alien has a credible fear of persecution.”  

In order to support this claim, Sessions argued that the plight of domestic and gang violence survivors is “merely personal” and not indicative of membership in a “particular social group” — one of the five protected grounds for asylum. But his conclusion ignored decades of settled law that individuals fleeing gender-based violence can satisfy the asylum standards.

He also said that an asylum seeker fleeing persecution by someone who is not the government — like a gang, an intimate partner, or a powerful political or social group — must show that the government either “condoned” the violence or other harm or was “completely helpless” to stop it. This was a stark departure from the existing standard, which is that asylum seekers must show that the government is “unable or unwilling” to effectively protect them.  

That’s not how the credible fear process was supposed to work. When Congress established expedited removal in 1996, it deliberately established a low threshold screening standard so that no one with a potentially meritorious asylum claim would be sent back to danger. Credible fear interviews are meant to determine whether there is a “significant possibility” that an immigrant could show they are eligible for asylum in a full deportation hearing with evidence, witnesses, and appeals. If so, they get that chance; if not, they are quickly removed from the United States.

By ratcheting up the credible fear standard, the Trump administration put thousands of immigrants at risk of being removed to places where they fear for their lives.

The court found key aspects of Sessions’ decision in Matter of A-B-, and related policy guidance with respect to expedited removal proceedings, unlawful. For example, the court invalidated Session’s requirement that people fleeing persecution by nongovernmental actors need to show that their home country government either “condoned” the persecution or is “completely helpless” to prevent it. The court also struck down the government’s new rule that asylum officers can just ignore court of appeals precedents that are inconsistent with Matter of A-B-. As a result, the administration is now permanently blocked from applying these unlawful policies to credible fear proceedings going forward.

In the court’s own words: “[B]ecause it is the will of Congress — not the whims of the Executive — that determines the standard for expedited removal, the Court finds that those policies are unlawful.”

*To protect the safety of the plaintiffs, names are pseudonyms.

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Date

Wednesday, December 19, 2018 - 1:00pm

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